Brazil has historically been a country whose citizens have rarely emigrated; however, it did not experience a consistent and substantial emigration until the 1980s. Almost all Brazilian immigrants in the United States have cited similar economic reasons for leaving their home in pursuit of prosperity elsewhere. The term "economic refugees" has been coined to refer to immigrants who have immigrated to the United States in pursuit of higher wages, a lower cost of living, and a desire to escape the hyperinflations that devastated Brazil until 1994. Nevertheless, middle and lower-class Brazilians have endured an average loss of one-third of their purchasing power in their salaries since 1994, when inflation ceased and prices stabilized.. Numerous Brazilians arrive in the United States with the knowledge that they can earn up to four times as much as they do in Brazil while performing identical tasks. Perhaps the most significant factor in influencing Brazilian immigration to the country is the opportunity to accumulate substantial savings. Additionally, despite the fact that a greater number of Brazilians are enrolling in universities, the professional labor market has not experienced the same level of expansion as the increase in higher education.
Many Brazilian immigrants have immigrated to the United States in part to experience the first-world modernity that has been popularized and glamorized in Brazilian pop-culture, in addition to being "economic refugees"
The most significant period of Brazilian immigration to the United States occurred between 1985 and 1987, primarily as a result of a period of acute hyperinflation in Brazil. Nevertheless, the census conducted in 1980 revealed that 44,000 Brazilians of Brazilian descent were residing in the United States. Immigration has persisted throughout the 1990s and into the 2000s. Numerous Brazilians enter the country on tourist visas and remain after their visas expire, resulting in their undocumented status. The popularity of illegally entering through the Mexico border has increased due to the difficulties associated with obtaining a tourist visa. The U.S. government also implemented more stringent immigration controls after 2001, which have made it more difficult to work without legal documentation. In response to a global economic crisis that has resulted in fewer employment and economic opportunities for Brazilian immigrants and Americans alike, enchantment with the United States has also diminished since 2008. Most Brazilians arrive in the United States with the intention of working diligently for three to five years in order to accumulate substantial savings that can be used to purchase a business or property. Consequently, they work diligently with the intention of returning to their country with capital to invest in Brazil. Nevertheless, social scientists who are investigating migration patterns have observed that a significant number of Brazilians frequently travel between the two countries. This phenomenon is referred to as "yo-yo migration." It delineates the fact that Brazilians encounter challenges in severing their connections with Brazil, despite the fact that they discover economic opportunities in the United States. A 1999 study discovered that only one-third of Brazilians residing in New York City intended to remain in the United States, a fifth were uncertain about their futures, and the remaining two-thirds intended to return home. As previously mentioned, the economic downturn in the United States and recent immigration restrictions have reversed these trends, resulting in a greater number of Brazilians returning to their homeland.
Brazilian Influence in the United States
The United States is home to the world's largest population of Brazilians, excluding Brazil. New York, Massachusetts, Florida, and California are the residences of the preponderance of these Brazilians. Nevertheless, communities of lesser size have emerged in locations such as Danbury, Connecticut; Martha's Vineyard, Massachusetts; and Pompano Beach, Florida. In 2007, the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs estimated that 1.2 million Brazilians reside in the United States. However, the American Community Survey only accounted for 346,000. The undocumented status of an estimated 70% of Brazilians residing in the United States, which is underreported in these studies, is the primary cause of this significant discrepancy. Additionally, the classification of Brazilian nationality is particularly challenging, which further complicates the process of monitoring Brazilians residing in the United States. For example, Brazilians who identified themselves as "Hispanic" and wrote "Brazilian" on the 2000 census were not considered Hispanic because they did not originate from a culture or nation where Spanish is the primary language. Brazilian immigration to the United States is predominantly a phenomenon that affects the middle and lower classes. In general, Brazilians who are destitute and have limited financial resources are unable to obtain a visa, purchase a plane ticket, or pay for a person to smuggle them across the U.S. border. The fact that the majority of Brazilians in the United States have lighter complexions underscores the inextricable connection between skin pigment and economic opportunities in Brazilian society. Poorer Brazilians are more likely to have darker complexions or "black" skin, whereas Brazilians with more financial resources and upward mobility tend to have fairer skin. The Brazilian Experience in the United States. Although there are variations in personal experiences that are contingent upon the state and city in which Brazilians reside, there are numerous consistent patterns. The majority of Brazilians reside with Brazilian family or acquaintances during their initial weeks in this country. These individuals provide temporary housing and assistance in securing stable employment and a place to live. Brazilians seldom reside independently, which is consistent with the cultural norms of the country.
In Brazil, there is an extraordinary number of religious organizations in contrast to the scarcity of secular ones in terms of community
It is intriguing that a significant number of these religious institutions are Evangelical churches, rather than Catholic, despite the fact that an estimated 70% of Brazilians identify as Catholic. In contrast, Catholic churches are required to adhere to a more stringent set of regulations and rely on national Catholic entities for funding and guidance. Brazilians in the United States frequently dislike being misidentified for individuals from Spanish-speaking Latin America. Many Brazilian immigrants are of the opinion that the bigotry and prejudice they have encountered are frequently the result of a mistaken identity, as many Americans perceive or judge Brazilians as Hispanic. Brazilian immigrants frequently make special efforts to distinguish themselves as a unique nationality and a community that is distinct from Spanish-speaking and/or Hispanic communities, in accordance with deep cultural notions that make Brazilians consider themselves unique and different from individuals residing in other countries in Latin America. The transformation of gender roles is another intriguing change in the cultural patterns of Brazilian immigration. Women are employed at a rate that is comparable to that of males and make substantial financial contributions to the household. Even in numerous middle and lower-class families in Brazil, women frequently refrain from working, and those who do contribute contribute what is regarded as "supplementary" income to the family. The capacity to generate an income and contribute to the economic stability of a family can alter the dynamics of a family and provide many women with greater autonomy.
Comments
Post a Comment