Immigration and racial problems are being talked about in U.S. politics right now. To understand U.S. past better, it is important to know how immigration works as a whole. In his piece "Globalization, Latinization, and the Nuevo New South," Raymond Mohl talks about the idea of "Latinization," which is linked to immigration issues in the South. He says Latinization is a low-wage, low-skilled job market that focuses on hiring Spanish-speaking Latin American workers in agriculture, building, and manufacturing. He mostly writes about newcomers from Mexico and how they affect the rural and urban economies of Alabama. To take this thought even further, researchers should also look at the part that Latin Americans who don't speak Spanish play in Latinization. For example, the refugees from Brazil could also be seen as Latinization in terms of where they came from. Brazilians speak Portuguese and come from a Latin American country with a lot of different racial groups that could be Latinized. It is important to start this study with a short history of ethnic groups in the U.S. so that we can fully understand how to look at Brazilian immigration to Florida in the context of Latinization. It's more common than ever for people from Brazil to move to the United States.
In 2000, the U.S. Census Bureau said that there were 181,076 Brazilians living in the United States
Other sites, on the other hand, say that this number is much higher. In 1996, Okky de Souza wrote in the Brazilian magazine Veja that there were about 600,000 Brazilians living in the United States. Another story in Veja says that in 1996, there were 200,000 Brazilians living in Florida. These inconsistencies make us think about the study of immigration and racial groups in the United States. In this case, how can scholars better understand the role of Brazilian immigration in American history? For example, Maxine Margolis talks about a "invisible minority" when she talks about Brazilian immigrants in New York City. But does the same idea apply to Brazilian immigrants in Florida? What do they do as part of the Orlando job market?
Raymond Mohl, for example, studies immigrants from Mexico and how they affect the work force. He says that many southern states are becoming more Latino. It's possible that Brazilians living in Orlando are also part of this Latinization. What kinds of jobs do Brazilians in Orlando have, and what do they do for a living? The Brazilian community in Orlando, Florida is looked at in this study, which also checks to see if Brazilians fit Raymond Mohl's definition of "Latinization." In order to answer these questions, it is important to start this study with a short summary of the United States' ethnic history. Since the 1950s, people have talked and argued about how to integrate different racial and cultural groups into American society. The uprooted method of Oscar Handlin was shown by the first paradigm. This way of thinking says that different racial groups come together to form a single culture, which post-Handlin experts call the "melting pot." Americanization is the process by which the cultural practices of a person or a group blend into those of a single cultural group. Scholars from after Handlin also talk about the Transplanted approach, which was made famous by John Bodner.
Through this method, ethnic groups repeat and grow their culture in the United States
This lessens the shock of adjusting to a new culture. Bodnar says that by keeping their own culture, they are refusing to become Americanized or mix with other cultures. Recently, scholars have used Werner Sollors' Beyond Ethnicity, which gives a made-up story of what immigrants are like when they come to the U.S. Their identity isn't based on history or cultural experiences from their home countries; instead, it's shaped by the place where they move. Possibly interacting with other immigrants and other things also play a part in how this identity changes over time. As immigrants grow up, their cultural experiences also shape their identities, which change and progress over many generations. The last piece from Conzen's Group, called “The Invention of Ethnicity: A Perspective from the U.S.A.,” suggests that ethnic identities are formed through real-life experiences. It disagrees with the notion that immigrants and ethnic groups can use made-up identities to establish their identities in a new country. Handlin and Bodnar look at ethnic groups from a uniform point of view, which means they think that everyone in the group has the same views. Sollors and Conzen instead look at different ethnic traits to understand ethnic groups. People from different racial groups or immigrants don't have the same experiences or sense of who they are. Along with these ideas, this study also wants to add to what is known about Florida's ethnic and immigration past by focusing on Brazilians who came to Orlando. Because of this, the next part gives a short summary of the history of immigration to Florida after the 1960s.
Most books and papers about immigration and different racial and cultural groups in Florida are about groups from Latin America and the Caribbean
Articles about immigrants in Florida often talk about Haitian people moving to South Florida, for example. In "The Haitian Diaspora: Florida's Most Recent Residents," Thomas D. Boswell writes about the wealthy and middle-class Haitians who came to South Florida. Boswell's explanation is clearly from an American point of view, and it is different from what other people who lived in the same area and saw these Haitians thought. Boswell does not write from the point of view of those who lived through these changes in culture. Boswell's study is mostly about Haitians, but Kelly Greenhill's study is only about Cuban refugees. A case study of the 1994 Cuban "Balseros" crisis is used to show "Engineered Migration and the use of Refugees as Political Weapons." This is an interesting piece that gives a different view of the flow of Cubans to Florida. It gives a fresh look at the political rivalry between Cuba and the US, as well as how the US used the Cuban Balseros Crisis as a political tool to control its neighbor in North America. It sounds like Greenhill wrote his things as if the government's choices had the most impact on society, its people, and its past.
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